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我们当下的恐惧与期待

时间:2019-03-28  来源:北京天则所  作者:许章润 条评论
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The way intellectuals are regarded has long been the regnant dynasty’s most reliable political barometer; it reflects the basic tenor of the nation’s life. The Ministry of Education has repeatedly declared that it is necessary to intensify Ideological Education among educators [so that they in turn inculcated the correct political ideas and attitudes among their students]. Online speculation holds that returnee teachers who have studied overseas are seen as a particular threat. Meanwhile, a small clutch of Remnant Leftists [‘New Leftists’ and anti-humanists who support various aspects of a revived Maoist ideology, some of the most famous of which are celebrated in the left-leaning international academy] in the tertiary sector are jumping for joy; it’s as though they have been given a new lease on life [如打雞血般, literally, ‘it’s as though they’ve been injected with chicken blood’ — a satirical reference to late-Cultural Revolution-era quackery. See Joel Martinsen, Injecting Chicken Blood]. They are bounding around in a blood-thirsty frenzy. All of these phenomena contribute to an atmosphere of fear, a trepidation among intellectuals that enforced Ideological Reform [that is the demand for intellectual conformity] is making a comeback. The leftward turn in educational policy and a mooted Thought Reform movement may indicate that even more extreme developments are on the cards.JFb免费翻墙网

‘Inappropriate discussions about National Policy can get you expelled from the Party!’

[The old expression] ’Inappropriate Discussions’ is once more a term bandied about with a deadening effect; the result is that people are being scared into silence [the ban on ‘Inappropriate Discussions of the Major Policies of the Centre (of the party-state)’ 妄議中央大政方針 came into force from late 2015 when the Communist Party Central and its Disciplinary Commission issued warnings against, and stipulated the punishment of, idle speculation about Party policy, leaders and factional infighting]. In an atmosphere such as this, how can there be any freedom of speech? Without Intellectual Freedom and the Independent Spirit [自由思想與獨立精神, an expression taken from Chen Yinque’s 陳寅恪 epitaph for Wang Guowei 王國維 and a long-cherished formulation embraced by China’s liberal intellectuals from the 1980s, one that has it roots in the Republican era when it was celebrated in particular by academics at Tsinghua University] what hope is there for people to explore the unknown, for the advancement of scholarship or for intellectual creativity? Up until recently, given the positive legacy of the last four decades — one that should be further enhanced by the concerted efforts of the next few generations — there was good reason to believe that [in the future] Chinese Civilisation could well enjoy an extraordinary peak of achievement in terms both of its intellectual and of its scholastic life. However, if the present policies that clamp down on free speech continue, or are extended further, these hopes will remain unrealised. China will be little more than a cultural backwater of intellectual dwarfs.JFb免费翻墙网

第六,知識分子政策左轉與施行思想改造。雖然早就說知識分子是勞動人民的一部分,但一有風吹草動就拿他們當外人,甚至當敵人,已成國朝政治的最佳晴雨表,也是政制底色的政治表達。教育部一再聲言要加強對教師的思想教育,網傳必須重點防範海歸教師,以及高校中的極少數文革遺左紛紛如打雞血般跳將出來喊打喊殺等等,都令人擔憂所謂的知識分子改造政策再度降臨,特別是伴隨著政策左轉而再次施行思想改造運動,乃至於不排除更為嚴重的態勢。「妄議」大棒揮舞,人人噤若寒蟬,還有什麼言論自由可言。而無自由思想與獨立精神,則探索未知、學術精進與思想創發云乎哉。本來,歷經這四十年的積累奮鬥,再好好幹一、兩代人,中華文明有望迎來一個思想學術的全盛高峰。但是,假若此種鉗口政策再延續下去,甚至日益趨緊,則此種可能性無望變成現實性,中華國族終究只是精神侏儒與文明小國。JFb免费翻墙网

Fear Seven: A New Arms Race and the JFb免费翻墙网
Danger of War, Including Another Cold War

Over the last decade, Asia as a whole has for all intents and purposes entered an arms race. Fortunately, the probability of war has so far been maintained within acceptable parameters. The main issue for China is that we cannot afford to interrupt our developmental trajectory or further frustrate the Great Modern Transformation [that has been unfolding for nearly two centuries] just as it is within sight of being realised. Over the past two years, I have written two essays — ‘Don’t Let Civil War Break Out in China’ and ‘Protect the Reform Policies and the Open Door’ [both collected in Xu Zhangrun’s book The Rational State and Superior Politics: a Chinese Understanding of China’s Problems 國家理性與優良政體:關於中國問題的中國意識, Hong Kong City University Press, 2017] — in which I argued that China has added a System of Military Preparedness to its previously existing Stability Maintenance Regime [mentioned above]. I did so in an effort to point out the inherent dangers in this development and to forewarn of its negative consequences.JFb免费翻墙网

At the moment, as the political atmosphere of China is becoming increasingly repressive and the country is entangled in a foreign trade dispute, there is an increased possibility of an economic downturn, something that could led to things that are beyond control and that may have various unintended consequences. In such a situation it is not unreasonable to be afraid that matters could result in some form of military conflict, be it either a hot or a cold war. One should mindful of the need to prevent such an outcome. Popular wisdom argues that a trade conflict between China and the United States should not be used as a pretext [by the propagandists and policy advisers] for heightened ideological contestation, nor should there be a competition over which side has a superior political system. I think my earlier concerns have recently been justified by the evidence of just such developments.JFb免费翻墙网

第七,陷入重度軍備競賽與爆發戰爭,包括新冷戰。短短十年間,整個東亞其實已然陷入軍備競賽,但所幸爆發戰爭的概率依舊尚處可控層面。問題是,不能由此打斷中國的常規發展,就此摧折了尚未最後水落石出的偉大現代轉型。兩年來,在「阻止中國陷入全面內戰」與「保衛改革開放」兩文中,筆者都曾指認中國逐漸於「維穩體制」之上又疊加了「戰備體制」,就在於提示其危險性,防範其負面影響。此刻隨著內政緊繃與外貿糾紛日甚,經濟下滑可能性加劇,則其進程不可控因素增多,防範其不至被迫走向戰爭狀態,不管是熱戰還是冷戰,絕非杞人憂天。坊間輿議提醒中美貿易爭端不應再引向意識形態之爭,更不要進行政治模式之爭,亦為同此憂慮而發,還算靠譜。JFb免费翻墙网

Fear Eight: The End of Reform and a JFb免费翻墙网
Return to Totalitarianism

Even though the word ‘Reform’ is somewhat tarnished and, despite the fact that even rather reprehensible polities use it as camouflage, nonetheless, given the discursive environment of contemporary China and the fact that we are at a time in the country’s life when the Great Transformation requires a final push, and compared to the outbreak of some explosive revolution or a regression to a form of extreme leftism, Reform is and remains the most prudent and promising way forward. The engine of reform, however, has been idling for the last few years; [now] if it isn’t used to propel us forward we will go into reverse. In fact, this state of affairs has become the hallmark of the last term [that is, Xi Jinping’s first term in office from 2012 to 2017]. Given the overall direction being taken people may be entirely justified in asking whether the Reform Policies and the Open Door have reached the end of their history, and will totalising politics now return in their stead? Who knows? At the moment, this questions is of the greatest concern to the largest number of Chinese.JFb免费翻墙网

During the Hu Jintao-Wen Jiabao decade [from 2003 to late 2012] it seemed as though the Totalitarian was transitioning towards the Authoritarian; that’s why some dubbed the resulting arrangement a ‘Post-Totalitarian-360-Degree-Authoritarian Political System’. Over the last two years, however, we have seen things moving in the opposite direction, ergo the widespread anxiety that we may all be witnessing a ‘Thorough-Going Return to Totalitarian Politics’.JFb免费翻墙网

Modern Chinese history teaches us that first, because of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, and then, with the Anti-Japanese War of Resistance starting in 1937 [and continuing until 1945], China’s advance towards modernity was interrupted. Those wars put paid to any hope that the country could enjoy a normal political life. Modernity was derailed. Now we are approaching the final stages of a profound Transformation that has unfolded over nearly two centuries [starting with the political and military disruptions of the Daoguang era of the Manchu-Qing dynasty and the First Opium War of 1840]. We need a final push to achieve the goal [a point that the anxious author has already made a number of times]. Under no circumstances can the nation be derailed again by yet more military conflict. If that were to happen, when might history present us with another opportunity? Heaven only knows!JFb免费翻墙网

第八,改革開放終止與極權政治全面回歸。雖說「改革」一詞已然多少污名化,畢竟,惡政亦且假爾之名而行之,但在當下中國語境下,置身大轉型尚未完成、有待臨門一腳的現狀,較諸爆炸性革命與極左式的倒退,改革依舊是最為穩妥的路徑。改革空轉,抑或不進則退,早已非只近幾年的事了,實已延綿一屆任期。照此趨勢以往,「改革開放」會否就此終止,極權回歸,亦未可知。此時此刻,全體國民之最大擔憂,莫此為甚。說是極權回歸,就在於胡溫任期,彷彿出現極權向威權過渡趨勢,故而稱為「後極權時代全能型威權政制」。但這兩年反其道而行之,這才引發「極權政治全面回歸」的恐慌。中國近代史上,1894年的甲午戰爭與1937年抗戰爆發,兩度打斷中國的現代進程,致使追求日常政治的努力付諸東流,中國的現代事業因而被迫延宕。今日這一波延綿將近兩個世紀的大轉型已到收尾時段,有待臨門一腳,切切不能再因戰禍而中斷。倘若中斷,下次歷史機遇何時再來,恐伊於胡底矣。JFb免费翻墙网

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3: Eight Immediate HopesJFb免费翻墙网
三、八項期待

In outlining the above anxieties and the broadly felt sense of panic I have focussed on the domestic political realm — I have not expanded my considerations to discuss matters related to the economy or trade (including the question of massive tax cuts), nor have I touched on the provocative themes of democracy and rule of law. Below I will confine myself to offering a series of concrete policy suggestions [that is, Hopes] that I believe are of timely importance.JFb免费翻墙网

當此之際,針對上述擔憂與恐慌,從內政著眼,無涉經貿(包括大幅度減稅),也不上綱上線到民主法治層面,僅就下列八項而言,具體而有形,允為時務。JFb免费翻墙网

The First Hope: Put a Stop to Empty Grand Gestures and JFb免费翻墙网
Wasteful International Largesse

Average Chinese are most frequently offended by the way the state scatters large sums of money through international aid to little or no benefit. China is still slowly making its way up the steep slope of development. In terms both of basic infrastructure and social facilities, as well as in regard to people’s ability to access welfare, we are confronting massive problems; our burden is great and the road ahead leads far into the distance. And I make this point without even mentioning the crisis in aged care, or issues related to employment opportunities and education.JFb免费翻墙网

Rural destitution is a widespread and crushing reality; greater support through public policy initiatives is essential. Without major changes, half of China will remain in what is basically a pre-modern economic state. That will mean that the hope to create a modern China will remain unfulfilled, if not half-hearted. If this situation continues what good is it to talk about the Great Revival of Chinese Civilisation?JFb免费翻墙网

At the recent China-Arab States Cooperation Forum [on 10 July 2018] the Chinese Leadership [that is, Xi Jinping] announced that twenty billion US dollars would be made available for ‘Dedicated Reconstruction Projects’ in the Arab world. On top of that, [Xi Jinping declared that] ‘a further one billion yuan will be offered to support social stability efforts in the region’. Everyone knows full well that the Gulf States are literally oozing with wealth. Why is China, a country with over one hundred million people who are still living below the poverty line, playing at being the flashy big-spender? How can the Chinese not comment in astonishment: just what is the Supreme Bureaucratic Authority thinking? Don’t They care about our own people? Furthermore, the people who indulge in such grand and expensive gestures evince no respect for existing budgetary procedures or institutional formalities; in the process They shunt aside a National People’s Congress that is constitutionally empowered to maintain budgetary oversight. In the process, existing institutionalised bureaucratic mechanisms are for all intents and purposes paralysed. It is akin to a declaration of war on the authority of the Constitution and the Rule of Law.JFb免费翻墙网

第一,杜絕援外撒錢「大手筆」。非必要的無謂援外大撒把,砸錢,最令一般民眾反感寒心。中國尚處發展爬坡時段,無論基礎設施還是民生福利,均難題如山,任重道遠。且不說養老、就業與教育,但就鄉村凋敝而言,就壓力山大,而需公權力多所措意。否則,半個中國仍處前現代,等於現代中國只是個半拉子工程,談何文明復興。近日中阿論壇期間宣佈撥銀兩百億美金,設立所謂阿拉伯國家「重建專項計劃」,並且「探討實施總額為10億元人民幣的項目,支持有關國家維穩能力建設」。可我們知道,海灣國家個個富得流油,何需尚有上億未曾脫貧國民的中國在此充當冤大頭,讓人不禁感慨有司心腸何在,還把自家國民當人待嗎?而且,凡此支出,完全無視既有預決算體制,將最高國家權力機關的國庫司庫憲法職權撇在一旁,在實質性癱瘓既有官僚科層建制化之際,等於向憲制與法制開戰。

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